In Ideological Battleground Kulgam, A Women’s Gym Takes The Limelight

The region, known as the rice bowl of the Valley, has long been a stronghold for the communists in Kashmir. The trademark flags, sometimes worn as headgear, give the constituency a unique character in Jammu and Kashmir. Unlike other constituencies in the region, Kulgam stands out as a battleground for ideological conflict. Debates here often peak with intense discussions on Islam and Marxism, questioning whether the two can coexist in a Muslim society.

That is, until the subject of a women-only gym hits the conversation.

Both communist leader M Y Tarigami and his opponent, the banned Jamaat-e-Islami-backed candidate Sayar Ahmad Reshi, 42, speak of revolution and a new Kashmir that is “free from fear and full of opportunities for all”. However, these discussions often veer off into debates on issues like whether women should have access to gyms, overshadowing the broader ideological conflict.

The CPI (M) office is located next to a mosque. Inside, large posters of Fidel Castro with quotes like “Ideas do not need weapons” adorn the walls. There are also posters of Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara reading the Communist Manifesto. In another room, the CPI (M) election symbol—hammer, sickle and star—is displayed on the door, along with the slogan “Haq ka hami, Tarigami (Champion of Justice—Tarigami)”.

As the communist leader walks towards a nearby village, songs like “Kitna diler hai hamara leader, sheron ka sher hai hamara leader (how brave our leader is; our leader is the lion among lions)”, play in the background.

Ironically, the song originated in Pakistan, where Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) workers played it at rallies for former Prime Minister Imran Khan, now in incarceration. Many of the slogans and songs used in electoral rallies, like “Zulm ka badla vote se (vote to end oppression)”, were borrowed from PTI protests, reflecting the PTI movement’s resonance in Kashmir.

CPI (M) rallies, however, feature a different set of songs, taking people back to the era of struggle. Of late, one song from the Bollywood film Mazdoor, “Hum mehnatkash is duniya se jab apna hissa mangenge, ek bagh nahi, ek khet nahi, hum saari duniya mangenge (When we, the labourers, demand our share from this world, we won’t just ask for a garden or a field; we will demand the whole world)”, appears to be gaining traction. Occasionally, local Kashmiri songs are played, but “Kitna diler hai hamara leader (How brave is our leader)”, continues to be the most predominant track.

When Tarigami filed his election nomination around two weeks ago, he emphasised the development work he had carried out in his constituency. He also addressed political issues, including the abrogation of Article 370 and its impact on Jammu and Kashmir.

Tarigami criticised the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its policies, accusing them of causing unemployment and unrest in the region. While acknowledging that the current Assembly, under the Union Territory, may not resolve all issues, he stated, it remains the only viable option. “There is a sense of suffocation and unease among people,” he said.

Since 1996, Tarigami has promised to address local concerns, reminding apple merchants of his role in establishing the mandi and advocating for shepherds’ reservations. However, as the Reshi bandwagon, backed by the banned Jamaat-e-Islami, gained momentum and attracted large crowds, Tarigami’s campaign shifted focus, when the CPI (M) leader gradually realised he faced a strong opponent.

He sharply criticised Jamaat-e-Islami’s return to electoral politics, unlike former chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti, who have welcomed it. He called for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, accusing Jamaat-e-Islami of boycotting elections for 30 years and using violence to deter voters. While Sajjad Lone views the outfit’s protagonists as “victims”, Tarigami sees them as perpetrators trying to present their past actions as justified.

CPI (M) leaders and cadre are closely monitoring Reshi’s speeches. In one video, he mentioned establishing a separate gym for women in Kulgam when asked about his manifesto, but the video ends there. Reshi claims the video was edited, omitting key points. He clarified that his plans also include setting up a cancer hospital, separate buses and a hospital for women with female doctors and a soil testing lab. “I have been seeing women walking in the early morning. It is how I got the idea to have a separate gym for women, but only this point was (highlighted),” he said, addressing supporters.

The proposal for a women’s gym, though progressive for Kulgam, became a target for CPI (M) leaders to mock Reshi. In a village speech, Tarigami criticised Reshi’s focus, highlighting that the Assembly is a law-making body. He urged voters to choose someone with a better understanding of legislation, rather than someone preoccupied with a gym for women. “They talk about gyms for women instead of colleges and IITs. It’s what’s on their minds that comes out of their mouths,” Tarigami said, evoking laughter from the crowd.

Reshi also campaigns with flair. His volunteers, like the CPI (M) cadres, are energetic and dedicated to him. A contractual lecturer, Reshi has been coaching students since completing his MA in political science from the University of Kashmir in 2004. He was an active member of Jamaat-e-Islami, managing its educational institutions in Kulgam, until the Jamaat was banned in February 2019 under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA).

Reshi usually begins his speech with a poetic verse: “Tumhein khamosh rahne ki aadat maar dalegi (This habit of remaining silent will kill you)”, before taking direct potshots at the CPI (M), labelling it as a “party of goons”. “Your silence has allowed these goons to rise,” he tells his followers.

Known for their oratory skills, many in the Jamaat-e-Islami, including Reshi, effectively use poetry to make their points. With his short beard, smiling face and skull cap, Reshi highlights the Jamaat’s core message with another couplet. “Riyasat agar bachani hai to siyasat cheen lo unse, warna is riyasat ko siyasat mar dalegi (If you want to save the state, then snatch politics away from them; otherwise, politics will ruin the state).”

At Pombai Chowk, Reshi defended Jamaat-e-Islami’s political re-entry, arguing that their presence is crucial for society. He recalled that the Jamaat-e-Islami had a prominent MLA, Abdul Razaq Mir (Bachroo), in 1987. At that time, the Jamaat-e-Islami was a key player in the Muslim United Front (MUF), which was defeated after alleged election rigging by the National Conference and the Congress. Reshi believes the current problems in Kashmir stem from those 1987 elections, which he claims led to violence and insurgency.

Bachroo did not resign from the Assembly when his colleagues—Geelani, Sayeed Shah and Ghulam Nabi Sumji—stepped down after insurgency broke out. Mir remained in office despite the turmoil. In 1996, Mir was kidnapped from his home in the Bachru area of Kulgam by “unidentified gunmen” and was later killed.

“They have ruled for 37 years; it’s time to move them out. We don’t need this sickle anymore. We need a laptop,” he said, emphasising that a revolution is underway. “It is now your responsibility to join this revolution, abandon the sickle and vote for the laptop,” Reshi added, referring to his election symbol. As Reshi paused, his supporters chanted, “Top top laptop!”

Reshi said that until now, there had been no serious competition, allowing the CPI (M) to dominate due to a separatist boycott. “But now that serious players have entered the field, the CPI (M) is frightened,” he said. Reshi then criticised the CPI (M)’s stance on religion, saying, “You are asking forgiveness from the people, but you should seek forgiveness from God. Yet, you don’t believe in God.”

Reshi criticised the CPI (M) for claiming to uphold religious values while supporting those who don’t believe in God. He pointed out that CPI (M) leaders even started reciting the Quran despite their lack of faith. For Valley communists, the debate over God is longstanding. Ghulam Nabi Malik, a senior CPI (M) leader, recalls that in the early 1970s, when the communist movement began approaching people in the region, the Jamaat used religious arguments to frame communism within a religious context.

Tarigami understands it as well. At his rally near the shrine of sufi saint Sayed Simnan Sahib, he shouted, he hit out at Reshi, saying Sufis have sought a dignified life for Kashmiri men and women. While not naming the Jamaat-e-Islami candidates directly, he criticised them, saying, “These sufis have never supported those who burned schools, colleges and hospitals,” implying that Jamaat was responsible for such acts. He added, “I am not among those who made polling a stigma. Remember those days when people were terrified whether to vote or not.”

Then Tarigami brought back discourse to the gym. “He was asked to talk about his manifesto, and he talked about the lady gym (instead),” he said, and people laughed. “I have made several stadiums here, and I am promising my daughters that there will be a technical college in Kulgam,” he added.

Polling took place in Kulgam on September 18. The outcome in this constituency is crucial for both parties. With MP Engineer Rashid backing the Jamaat candidate, the results, expected on October 8, could lead to either celebration in the CPI (M) camp or the Jamaat camp.

If Reshi succeeds, it would mark a significant ideological triumph for the Jamaat-e-Islami and a powerful re-entry into electoral politics. This election transcends debates about building a women’s gym; it’s a battle between fundamental ideologies.

Both Marxists and Jamaat recognise that the proposal for a women’s gym is merely a smokescreen, concealing deeper, more consequential stakes that are at play.

Naseer Ganai in Kulgam

This appeared in the print as 'God, Communism and a Women’s Gym'